Ethnic integration in the “Lin-ge” migration epic: a grassroots perspective

Abstract

This study comprehensively analyzes China’s ethnic migration epic, “Lin-ge,” as a case study to explore the cultural and social phenomena it reveals about exchanges, communication and integration among ethnic groups. It reveals how this process has facilitated mutual understanding and integration among diverse ethnic communities from a grassroots level. Focusing on inter-ethnic religious syncretism, economic interactions, warfare exchanges, trade practices, and intermarriages depicted in “Lin-ge,” the research showcases the complexity and dynamism of ethnic integration. It emphasizes the pivotal role of regional community identity in bridging different ethnic groups and forming the foundational cultural logic behind the identity of the Chinese national community. Through textual analysis, this study finds that “Lin-ge” transcends the boundaries between official and folk, sacred and secular, and historical and contemporary narratives, presenting a more inclusive and diversified perspective of the Chinese national community. The research highlights that the syncretism of religious beliefs, cultural exchanges, and social practices are key mechanisms in shaping the identity of regional social communities and promoting harmonious coexistence among various ethnic groups. Moreover, by reviewing extensive literature and conducting case analyses, this study provides a thorough understanding of China’s ethnic policies, ethnic relations, and the formation and development of multi-ethnic communities. The findings are not only of significant academic relevance to the fields of ethnology and anthropology but also offer practical guidance for addressing ethnic issues and promoting ethnic unity and national integration in modern society.

1 Introduction

The concept of “facilitating ethnic exchanges, communication and integration” among multiple ethnic groups was introduced by the Chinese government during the fifth national meeting on Xizang in 2010. It has been gradually refined over a decade, becoming an empirical policy practice for the CCP and the central government. At present, “facilitating ethnic exchanges, communication and integration” serves as a benchmark for assessing the effectiveness of ethnic policies in China’s mainland, garnering significant attention from ethnology scholars and policymakers. Literature metrics indicate (Chen 2005) that academic research on “facilitating ethnic exchanges, communication and integration” has experienced exponential growth. This article, using “Lin-ge”¹ (廪歌, Songs of the Linga people) as a starting point, attempts to explore the historical patterns of “exchanges, communication and integration” among ethnic minorities in the western Hunan region and the underlying discourse characteristics of ethnic changes.

“Lin-ge” is an epic created by the local people known as “Linga” (廪嘎), residing at the junction of four counties: Luxi County, Fenghuang County, Jishou City, and Mayang Miao Autonomous County in Huaihua City, all within the Xiangxi Tujia and Miao Autonomous Prefecture, Hunan Province, China. This epic is primarily written in Chinese characters but infused with a significant amount of the Linga people’s native language. The Linga people are characterized by seven common surnames: Tian, Yang, Su, Luo, Wu, Lin, and Tan. In the ethnic identification process of the People’s Republic of China (began in the 1950s), members of these seven tribes typically declared themselves as Tujia (土家族), Han (汉族), or Miao (苗族) people (Hunan Provincial Civil Affairs Department 1991).

“Lin-ge” primarily takes the form of Scripture of White Emperor² (白帝天王), chanted by the Linga tribe’s sorcerers (shamanic practitioners) during sacrificial rites. Due to its linguistic complexity and extensive historical span, “Lin-ge” requires various approaches to interpret its intended meanings closely. Therefore, when examining the historical development and changes in “exchanges, communication and integration” among multiple ethnic groups in China, the paper initiates the analysis from a discourse perspective within “Lin-ge.” This approach is essential for a genuine understanding of the patterns and the steady progress in the history of “exchanges, communication and integration” among various ethnic groups in China (Lan and Meng 2023).

2 Methodology

This study primarily adopts a methodology that combines literature analysis with field research. In the early stages of the research project, the authors compiled a seven-volume edition of “Lin-ge” (Fig. 1) as part of the efforts to preserve and document the cultural heritage of ethnic minorities. This compilation was published in 2010 and serves as a primary source of literature for this research. The research plan encompassed two separate field studies conducted on July 8–10, 2016, and September 13, 2016. During these investigations, the authors conducted on-site video documentation of the sacrificial rites of the White Emperor temple (白帝天王庙) in Duwu Village, Jixin Town, Fenghuang County, as well as the funeral ritual of the Tian family in Bailin Village, Mujiangping Town, Fenghuang County. The second round of fieldwork occurred on September 12–13, 2022, during which the authors interviewed Tian Yunjun,³ the inheritor of “Dalin Tiaopai” (打廪跳排)⁴ in Duwu Village. Additionally, interviews were conducted with “stray masters” (“流落”师傅)⁵ Yang Chang and his grandson Yang Song in Tuojiang Town, Fenghuang County, and video recordings were made of “Dalin Tiaopai.” Based on the aforementioned first-hand field study materials, a solid foundation was established to facilitate the smooth progress of the research.

Fig. 1

One page of the Seven volumes of “Lin-ge”

3 Results and discussion

3.1 Source analysis, textual examination, and structural classification of “Lin-ge”

Based on research findings, “Lin-ge” was first reported in Yang Changxin’s academic dissertation in 1985 titled “An Ancient Tujia Military Funeral Song: An Attempted Interpretation of ‘Tan-ge’(弹歌)” (Huang and Shi 2005). For nearly four decades, academic interest in “Lin-ge” has expanded significantly (Luo 2024; Wu 2003). Reflecting on the academic history of “Lin-ge,” Mr. Yang Changxin’s work primarily focused on interpreting “Tan-ge” through the lens of “Lin-ge” rather than conducting a comprehensive study of “Lin-ge” itself. Nevertheless, his report brought this obscure cultural epic into the academic spotlight. Subsequently, scholars like Tan Biyou and Tian Jihui published works such as “An Epic of the Alliance of Seven Tujia Tribes: Their Westward Migration and Seclusion” (Huang 1999), “Social Transformation in an Ancient Village: An Analytical Exploration of a Discourse Community”, “Cultural Representation in the Field: A Study of Linga (廪嘎) People’s Song and Dance through Cultural Immersion” (Li 2014), and “The Ancient Funeral Songs of the Linga Tribe and the Origins of Xielu(薤露) Songs” (Lin 1982). These publications and others systematically examined and organized “Lin-ge” from various disciplinary perspectives. Building upon this foundation, the academic community’s understanding of “Lin-ge” has deepened, and research on “Lin-ge” has become more systematic and diverse. As more scholars turned their attention to this minority heritage epic, it began to be viewed from various research angles. For instance, Li Dan (2014), in his doctoral dissertation titled “A Study of the Survival Status of the Linga People’s Ritual Ceremony: A Perspective on Intangible Cultural Heritage Protection,” systematically explored the regional distribution of “Lin-ge,” the ritual process, and its heritage status. Tian Guang (Lin 2015), in his work “An Epic History of the Linga Tribe,” systematically expounded the evidence of the development process of the collected parts of “Lin-ge.” However, based on existing research results, scholars primarily rely on hand-copied editions of “the Lin-ge Sutra of the Bodhisattva of the White Emperor” (白帝菩萨冷歌经, also known as the “Lin-ge Sutra” 廪歌经) preserved by the “stray masters” as their primary research materials.

In 2016, with the support of China’s Ministry of Culture, Tan Biyou initiated a comprehensive research project titled “The Migration Epic of the Tujia Linga People: Lin-ge.” On multiple occasions, Tan Biyou led the research team to western Hunan to film, record, and digitize “Lin-ge.” Upon reflecting on and systematically analyzing the findings of this research project, it became evident that the current academic research on the structure of “Lin-ge” has been limited to the seven-volume compilation organized by the “stray masters.” However, numerous pieces of evidence from field studies suggest that the core of “Lin-ge” likely contains much richer and more extensive content developed throughout history.

Firstly, regarding the current singing and transmission of “Lin-ge,” it is deduced from the evidence of current field studies that there exist two surviving systems of “Lin-ge.” One is the seven-volume edition of “Lin-ge,” passed down through generations by the Tian family’s “stray masters.” This edition is characterized by its relatively complex text. The other is the “Lin-ge” system inherited by the Yang family’s “stray masters,” with the original transcript lost. The current version of this edition is transcribed from memory and is notably more simplified in its structure and language. There are minor differences in the titles of these two editions. However, the more significant distinction lies in the ritual dance movements. Although both editions share the same name, “Dalin Tiaopai,” and use similar dance props, there are significant differences in the specific dance and ritual movements. Each version also has its own interpretation of these movements. Despite these differences, both editions belong to the White Emperor’s song and dance system (Liu 1995). They can mutually recognize and interpret each other, and the story content can also complement each other (Liu and Liu 2022), which suggests the possibility of a shared origin for the “Dalin Tiaopai” dance.

Secondly, the discourse system of “Lin-ge” extends beyond the seven-volume hand-copied “Lin-ge Sutra of the WhiteEmperor-Heavenly-King” (白帝天王廪歌经). While compiling the “stray” lyrics performed during a funeral in Bailin Village, Mujiangping Town, Fenghuang County, in September 2016, the authors discovered that the seven-volume edition of “Lin-ge” does not represent the actual content sung in practice. Instead, it is a text transcribed by the “stray masters” (Fig. 2). The actual ritual includes a more extensive set of lyrics, all of which are unique to the White Emperor religion(白帝天王教). Through a more detailed analysis of these lyrics, the authors found potential evidence of influences from other religions, such as Taoism(道教) and Nuojiao(傩教). However, further field research is needed to supplement these specific details. Despite some gaps, these lyrics still preserve the distinctive characteristics of “Lin-ge” and the unique beliefs of the White Emperor religion.

Fig. 2

“Lin-ge" Lyrics transcribed by Stray Masters

Thirdly, in contrast to previous research findings, this paper has uncovered new content within the “Lin-ge” system. What sets this discovery apart is the close connection identified between certain scriptures used in worshiping White Emperor at the White Emperor temple and the core “Lin-ge” text. The key evidence supporting this connection stems from the research conducted by Tan Biyou’s team during the global pandemic on September 12, 2022. Through multiple interviews conducted in Duyu Village, Jixin Town, Fenghuang County, western Hunan, and in-depth conversations with Tian Yunjun, a representative inheritor of the intangible cultural heritage protection project in western Hunan, the research team gained a deeper understanding of the intricacies of the “Dalin Tiaopai” story (Fig. 3). While examining the family-transcribed scrolls hand-copied by Tian Yunjun, the researchers systematically analyzed the extensive content contained within these scrolls. This content includes scriptures used by “stray masters” in the ritual worship of White Emperor, such as “Summoning the divine elder Wengye” (出场请神翁爷) and “Shang Shou” (上受 Receiving divine blessings).

Fig. 3

Dalin Tiaopai

Through a comprehensive review of the research materials, the study has identified that “Lin-ge” is not merely a single sacrificial chant, as previously suggested by existing literature. Instead, it represents a complex narrative system within which at least two distinct versions exist and two different performance contexts. The comprehensive textual corpus encompasses the seven-volume “Lin-ge” sung during the funeral rituals of the Tian and Yang clans, the incantations for deity invocation ceremonies, and the two-volume sung hymns from the White Emperor Temple, among others. For the sake of facilitating a more profound analysis, the authors have meticulously cataloged the titles of “Lin-ge,” as presented in Table 1 below:

Table 1 Content and classification of ritual songs and prayers

In summary, the current research on “Lin-ge” should consider a total of 15 primary volumes within its system. While it remains uncertain whether this constitutes the complete content, each part should be acknowledged in comprehensive studies. Regarding the classification, the author suggests categorizing them into two types of songs based on their nature. First, there are the “Invocation Songs” (QingShen-ge请神歌) performed during funeral ceremonies, traditionally represented by the seven-volume “Lin-ge,” led and sung in chorus by the “stray masters.” Second, we have the “Invocation Speech” (QingShen-Speech, 请神辞), an eight-volume set recited by the “stray masters” at the White Emperor Temple. The seven-volume “Lin-ge” narrates the ancestral stories of the seven Linga tribes, while the eight-volume “Invocation Speech” depicts the welcoming of White Emperor and his celestial army. This article’s discourse analysis will follow this classification system.

3.2 Interpreting the narrative of “Lin-ge” from the time perspective

“Lin-ge” originated from the ritual ceremonies of the Linga people. The origin of “Lin-ge” primarily revolves around sacrificial rituals, which serve as its fundamental purpose. From start to finish, it narrates stories of the interaction between humans and deities. It was composed by different generations of shamanic practitioners in various eras, and its development exhibits a longitudinal temporal dimension. Therefore, different sections of “Lin-ge” display distinct temporal characteristics.

However, due to the historical context of its creation, its structure and content were inevitably influenced by the era’s limitations. By analyzing the ethnic context at the time of its creation and the era-specific elements embedded in the poems, this study gains insights into how poets from the grassroots society navigated and selected the dominant ethnic discourse of the time. These choices vividly reflect the ethnic group’s collective consciousness. Thus, it is evident that the formation of the Chinese national community is not solely the outcome of official policy efforts but also stems from the choices made by individuals in grassroots society.

Additionally, due to its compilation genre, while the “stray masters” generally refer to it as performing sacrificial rites to White Emperor and conducting rituals for the salvation of the deceased, the story presented in each song of “Lin-ge” is unique. Tan Biyou has systematically compiled and restructured the seven-volume hand-copied edition of “Lin-ge” to provide a detailed interpretation of these narratives. Although certain contents and perspectives have been elucidated (Tan 2001), there has not been a comprehensive interpretation of the new aspects related to ethnic migration and transformation.

3.2.1 The story and its era narrated by the seven-volume edition of “Lin-ge”

The stories of migration and shared seclusion depicted in “Nuo-ge” (喏歌) and “Lei-ge” (擂歌) and the historical background

“Lei-ge” outlines the historical migration of seven tribes during the Warring Kingdoms Period (475–221 B.C.), narrating events such as “drumming the battle drum, planning across the deep abyss on the same boat.” This migration narrative refers to the following story: in the late Warring Kingdoms Period, a branch of the Ba people(巴人) migrated to the Five-Stream region (五溪流域), which initially belonged to the Chu-Qianzhong area (楚黔中地). However, further in-depth research is needed to determine whether the migration story described in “Lei-ge” is related to the migration of the Ba people, as there is currently no clear historical evidence to support its authenticity.

“Nuo-ge” depicts the life situations of the elders from the seven tribes of Tian, Yang, Su, Luo, Wu, Lin, and Tan. They are as close as brothers but age one after another. For instance, in “Nuo-ge,” there are scenes where Su and Luo carry vegetables and water, “Using the brazen basin as a water gate.” Incorporating the life scenarios of the elders from the seven tribes into the same verses for mourning requires specific conditions to be met: the elders from the seven tribes are as close as brothers, regardless of social status; they live in the same place, have close interactions, and are remembered by future generations; the ages of the elders from the seven tribes are similar, allowing them to pass away successively, and so on. To be precise, meeting these conditions implies a shared seclusion.

This shared history of migration and seclusion has evolved into a legendary folk tale where the seven tribes escorted the coffin of White Emperor. Regarding the story’s plot, White Emperor was falsely accused by malicious individuals and returned to his hometown. In Yuanling Baimadu, White Emperor mistakenly consumed poisoned wine and subsequently passed away. The seven individuals surnamed Tian, Yang, Su, Luo, Wu, Lin, and Tan comprised White Emperor’s guards and escorted his coffin back to his hometown.

The ethnic discourse context was relatively subdued during the Warring Kingdoms Period, primarily due to the era’s predominant themes of chaos and hegemony. From the available literature, it is observed that during this period, the division of regional groups, such as the Man, Yi, Rong, and Di (蛮夷戎狄),⁶ was mainly confined to official documents of various imperial courts and the literary works of elite figures (Tan and Jia 2013; Tan and Tian 2010). For instance, in Qu Yuan’s “Tian Wen” (天问) of The Songs of Chu (楚辞), there are mentions of Nanyi (南夷) discourse: “哀南夷之莫吾知兮, 旦余济乎江湘.”(“Sorrowfully no one understands me in Nanyi, I pass through Xiang river in the dawn.”) However, such ethnic classifications were rarely found in ordinary social life and folk writings (Tan and Tian 2011). Additionally, the vocabulary of ethnic classification was seldom used in self-identification.

Consequently, the concept of ethnic classification scarcely permeated the creative discourses of grassroots society, contributing to the formation of ethnic discourse contexts in “Nuo-ge” and “Lei-ge.” Although small ethnic groups like the Linga people existed objectively during this period, they did not receive special attention due to their life, region, and cultural features. They did not perceive themselves as distinct groups. The Linga people of the time lived in what is now the Yuan River region (沅水流域) and generally remained in a natural state without any explicit tendency towards labeling. Therefore, these two volumes of songs did not engage in ethnic discourse contexts or even power discourses related to the superstructure. Instead, they contain phrases that lament the brevity of life and express care and praise for friendship.

In summary, the main focus of the poetry was on the content of grassroots folk life. In some sense, the “exchanges, communication and integration” process of various ethnic groups was in an unconscious stage then. These two volumes of songs delineate a profound historical background where the “exchanges, communication and integration” process happens. Also, the contents of these two volumes of songs imply that the perspectives and discourses of “Lin-ge” basically focus on grassroots society, building a foundation of the specialty of “Lin-ge” itself.

The historical background and segments depicted by “ChuiHao-ge”(吹号歌)

“ChuiHao-ge” (Songs of Blowing Horn) depicts an intense battle between Jin Long(金龙) and He Che(何车). In terms of historical context, the story narrated in “ChuiHao-ge” occurred in the Wuling mountain area. This region experienced rapid development during that era, while the central dynasty’s control over remote ethnic minorities was relatively weak (Liu 1997). As a result, there were widespread ethnic conflicts in these ethic minority regions, accompanied by a lack of trust from the central dynasty toward ethnic minority heroes, which explains the poem’s evaluation of war: “Killing He Che rewards greatly, but killing He Che brings no fame.”

During the investigation into the song’s era, the authors noted phrases like “Defeat Chen and Yang Yi appointed as an official” (平陈杨义官). By consulting historical sources such as The Book of Sui(隋书) (Luo 2006, 2014)), a comparative analysis suggests that this sentence likely refers to the unification war during the late Southern and Northern Dynasties period,⁷ specifically the “Sui against Chen” battle. The events described in this sentence are believed to have occurred around the time of the Sui Dynasty, both before and after. During the Sui Dynasty’s campaign against the Chen Dynasty, some local elites assumed the role of voluntary militia forces and participated in the war to conquer Chen Dynasty (Lü 2002). This information provides valuable background context for the composition of “ChuiHao-ge.”

Due to the unique perspective of “Lin-ge” itself, this social dynamic is reflected in the creation of “Lin-ge,” particularly in the battles depicted in the “ChuiHao-ge” section. For instance, the lines “Nuo Nuo, killing Ao Gong (敖公), the army will be here, killing after killing on the battle. Nuo Nuo, Killing He Che rewards greatly, but killing He Che brings no fame” illustrate conflicts between different ethnic groups. Some scholars suggest that He Che might represent the Bo people (僰人) of the ancient southwestern region (Tian and Su 2017; Wang 2018), while others argue that He Che could be associated with the Bamboo King ethnic group of the Yelang People (夜郎人竹王族群) (Wei 1997). Although there is no consensus on this matter, the divergence does not undermine the premise that He Che belongs to another ethnic group. Additionally, conflicts and divisions within ethnic groups are depicted, such as “Nuo Nuo, the army of Jin Long, Yang kills Yang, dismissed till dawn” (Wu and Huang 2014). Jin Long is considered the ancestor of the Linga people. From the era of “ChuiHao-ge” onwards, the relationships among ethnic groups became crucial in the lives of local people, emerging as an important social phenomenon that everyone had to contend with. This reality is vividly portrayed in the creation of “Lin-ge.”

The historical background depicted by “TwelveFlowers-ge” (十二花歌)

The historical background depicted by “TwelveFlowers-ge” is during the Yuan and Ming dynasties ( 1271–1644 A.D.) when Tusi (土司, chieftain) system⁸ was established extensively in the Wuling region. During this time, the central dynasty utilized Tusi to reinforce cultural influences, promoting the exchanges, communication and integration process among various ethnic minorities in the Wuling mountain area (Gong 2018). During this period, the Wuling region had a dense population and abundant social interactions, experiencing rapid development. Simultaneously, the ethnic identity of the Linga people was influenced by economic, political, and cultural exchanges with different regions. In summary, “TwelveFlowers-ge” reflects the social life and cultural transformations that occurred during the Yuan and Ming dynasties in the Wuling region. It represents a crucial historical era when the central dynasty exerted control and promoted China’s “Great Unity” (大一统) among remote ethnic minorities.

The historical backgrounds depicted in “Lin-ge,” “Qi-ge,” (齐歌) and “Sending song off” (送歌出门)

“Lin-ge,” “Chicken-ge,” and “Sending song off,” just like “ChuiHao-ge,” were originally names of ancient songs. However, due to the introduction of Han funeral rituals and cultural exchanges, as well as the tendencies of the cultural exchanges between Han and the Linga people. evident in the language of the Linga people, these ancient songs have been significantly influenced and transformed. For instance, these songs incorporate various elements of Han folk culture and Feng Shui beliefs, as seen in lines like “专吾埋眼共龙边, 义孙代代专发钱.” (“Only bury me alongside with the dragon eye, decent offsprings bound to be affluent with money.”).

Regarding the specific period of composition for these songs, we can find some evidence within the specific lyrics. For example, in “Lin-ge,” there is a line that reads, “辰州买板靖州埋.”(Buying board in Chen Zhou, whereas burying in Jing Zhou) From this line, we can infer that the songs were likely composed after the Southern Song dynasty. According to the legend, White Emperor hailed from Jing Zhou and died during the war against the Chen Dynasty, with his burial taking place in Jing Zhou (Liu and Liu 2022), which explains the line, “Buying boards in Chen Zhou, whereas burying in Jing Zhou.” However, based on specific historical records, the term “Chen Zhou” originated during the Sui Dynasty, while “Jing Zhou” emerged during the Chongning period (1102–1106 A.D.) of the Song Dynasty (Peng 2020; Xi & Xie 2010). Therefore, it is reasonable to conclude that the finalization of these songs occurred no earlier than the Southern Song dynasty. It can be assumed that these ancient songs underwent a lengthy process of transformation and finalization, influenced by the introduction of Han funeral rituals and the cultural exchanges, communication and integration between Han and the Linga people. Based on our research, the composition of these ancient songs can be dated to a period after the Southern Song dynasty.

Under this historical circumstance, the central imperial court saw the effective operation of local governance in the Yuan River area. The establishment of officials such as the “general in Mayang” (麻阳参将) — later renamed the “general in Zhengan” (镇竿参将) and the “commander-in-chief in Zhengan (镇竿总兵)” — stationed for defense in areas like Mayang, Luxi, Fenghuang, and Qianzhou, facilitated the exercise of administrative authority and governance in these grassroots regions. Consequently, the implementation of ethnic classification work was also effectively carried out (Xu and Wang 2021). During this period, many ethnic concepts were widely used in official documents. For instance, the Wanli edition of the “Chenzhou Prefecture Gazetteer” (Xu 2018) listed various local ethnic groups, including the Man (满), Miao (苗), Yao (瑶), Gelo (犵狫), Qiling (犵狑), Bu Langju(不狼聚), and others.

Moreover, after the Ming Dynasty, the Yuan River area gradually became a region of complex ethnic tensions. Recorded instances of rebellion by the Miao tribe and local tribes prompted the Ming Dynasty to strengthen its military presence. Officials of the imperial court continually emphasized ethnic classifications in various reports submitted to higher authorities. From the Ming Dynasty to the middle period of the Qing Dynasty, the discourse on ethnic groups became increasingly rigorous and prevalent, appearing in various written materials, including widely read and referenced local gazetteers and literati poetry. However, this government-led discourse on ethnic groups did not fully manifest in the content of “Lin-ge.” In “Qi-ge,” classifications such as Man, Miao, and QiLing found in official documents were absent. Instead, a classification based on “Host” and “Guest” appeared: “齐吹齐唱上坝望, 望见湖南客卖糖。有女皆嫁湖南卒, 夜间纺线到天明” ( “Play and sing together, go up to dam to see, see Hunan guests selling sugar. All daughters marry to Hunan soldiers, weave yarn from night till daytime.”) This reflects the influence of the widely stationed troops discourse context in “Lin-ge,” as seen in the phrase “All daughters marry to Hunan soldiers.” The administrative-territorial division of the Ming Dynasty placed the Yuan River area mainly under the governance of the Hubei governor, with the capital in Changde, also known as “the governor from the remote Yuan area” (偏沅巡抚). During this period, “Hunan” differed administratively from the present-day Hunan Province of China. At that time, Hunan, with Changsha as its capital, encompassed the southern regions of what is now modern Hunan Province. Hence, the concept of “Hunan soldiers” appears in the poetry. These soldiers belonged to the imperial court’s military organization and were preferred as sons-in-law due to their better incomes. The discourse on stationed troops left its mark in “Lin-ge,” while the official classification of ethnic groups did not significantly influence the text. Instead, the poem mainly employs the discourse of “Host” and “Guest” to reflect ethnic classifications.

3.2.2 The stories and their historical background described in the eight-volume “Divine Invocation”

The story and era described in “Divine Invocation on Funeral” (葬礼请神辞)

As mentioned above, the creation of “Lin-ge” primarily revolves around sacrificial rituals. “Divine Invocation on Funeral” documents the deities that will be invocated in Tujia funeral ceremonies. Deities that will be invocated are stated as follows: (1) ancestors in exile, one altar, two altars, three altars, and two religions; (2) the chief ancestral masters, including Tian Guyuan, Tian Siying, Tian Zhongtai, Tian Zhonggui, Tian Zhongnong, Shan Songde, Wang Dezheng and so on; (3) invoking Wu Yinli in front of the High Palace, spreading the faith: to the left, one hundred thousand brave soldiers, and to the right, eighty thousand valorous generals; (4) Mother Zhang and Wet Nurse, Land Mother and Mother Gong; (5) spirits born with thatched roofs on the boat; (6) the Supreme Lord Laozi; (7) two chief chefs leading the way. From the lyrics, it appears there are at least seven types of deities.

Besides the need for sacrificial rituals, “Divine Invocation” also relates to the belief in White Emperor. However, based on existing literature and primary sources, there is no clear delineation of the belief in White Emperor. Some scholars suggest that “Invoking Wu Yinli in front of the High Palace, spreading the faith: to the left, one hundred thousand brave soldiers, and to the right, eighty thousand valorous generals” refers to White Emperor (Qian and Xie 1995). However, there is no other historical evidence to support this claim. The poetry also lacks more explicit descriptions. From the content of these “Divine Invocation”, it can be observed that they have been used since early times in funeral rituals, possibly even before the story and imagery of White Emperor developed (Fig. 4). However, emerging elements, rudiments, and similarities are already associated with White Emperor among the invoked deities. Gradually, White Emperor became the general reference for many deities.

Fig. 4

Folk rituals for invoking the deities at funerals

According to interview material with Tian Xingguo, the chief stray master in Mu Jiangping county (Qiao 2003), “Starting from the founder of the religion, going back to his predecessors, there are a total of 35 generations of chief ancestral masters (起教祖师) and 22 generations of guardian ancestral masters (押关祖师). A guardian ancestral master possesses profound skills and can guard various intersections.”

“A guardian ancestral master must also be a chief ancestral master, but not every chief ancestral master can become a guardian ancestral master after their passing.” Assuming that one generation’s practice spans 25 years, the total would be approximately 920 years until Tian Xingguo’s time. Going further back in time, Tian Guyuan was likely born around 1100 AD, and his era of composition should be in the early years of the Southern Song Dynasty. Based on this, we can conclude that these “Divine Invocation” were likely composed during the early period of the Southern Song Dynasty.

The story described in the “Divine Invocation of White Emperor Temple” (白帝天王庙请神辞)

Unlike “Divine Invocation on Funeral,” the “Divine Invocation of White Emperor temple” has already established a complete deity image of White Emperor. The invoked deities include (1) White Emperor; (2) Futian God, Fudi (Earth) God, Fujin God, Fuyin God, the Holy Master of the Dragon Clan, the Vigorous Protector Goddess, the Guardians of the Two Banks, and the Land God of Shen (Cheng) Zhou; (3) three white horses in the High Palace; (4) the General who slaughters animals in the underworld; (5) the Dragon King. Regarding text length, the primary focus is on invoking the White Emperor God, but other deities are also involved during the invocation process, providing necessary assistance. Structurally and in terms of content, the “Divine Invocation of the White Emperor temple” also narrates a complex mythological story, portraying the lively and splendid scene when the White Emperor God arrives at the temple (Fig. 5).

Fig. 5

White Emperor temple

In the line from “Summoning the Lord Wengye,” which reads, “knowing the county before knowing the name, presently in Feng Huang, Hunan, the great China, under the jurisdiction of De Sheng Camp, the small locality named △△,” this “Divine Invocation” was most likely hand-copied between the Qing Dynasty and the early period of the Republic of China. Upon closer examination, the term “De Sheng Camp” as a township-level administrative name was predominantly used during this period. In the Republic of China’s later years, it was renamed “Wei Wen Township.” Following the establishment of the People’s Republic of China, the name was changed to “Ji Xin Township” and “Ji Xin Commune,” among others (Tan 2001). However, considering the names of the three deities—Fu Di God, Fu Jin God, and Fu Yin God—mentioned later in the text, this “Divine Invocation” is likely to have been composed during the Ming and Qing dynasties, which suggests that the concept of White Emperor God had solidified but had not yet reached a unique status. During the Jiaqing period, in the middle of the Qing Dynasty, the White Emperor Temple was briefly renamed the “Three Marquis Temple” (三侯庙) and was downgraded by the imperial court (Tan 2005). Had it been created in the middle to late Qing Dynasty, the term “White Emperor” would not have been used. Another line in the text reads, “the great county within Zhou (prefecture), the great Li (neighborhood) within Township.” The concurrent usage of the designations “Zhou” and “County” in the Yuan River area likely began during the Song Dynasty when both administrative levels were present. The coexistence of the “Township” and “Li” concepts suggests common terminology during the Ming Dynasty. The genealogy of the Tian tribe in Du Wu village, Ji Xin town, Feng Huang County, recorded the use of these concepts in location names, starting during the Hongwu period of the Ming Dynasty. Therefore, we can infer that since the creation of this volume of songs, certain words may have undergone multiple revisions (Tan 2014). Consequently, the development of the “Divine Invocation of White Emperor Temple” likely spanned multiple dynasties, including the Song, Yuan, Ming, and Qing periods, with its content reflecting stories from various eras in the region. Events and narratives may have influenced some vocabulary during the Republic of China.

“Lin-ge,” a unique ancient song passed down over a thousand years, stands out as a remarkable cultural treasure. Considering the 15 songs compiled by the research group, it becomes evident that the diverse eras of its creation significantly influenced its background. From the Warring Kingdoms Period in BC to the Ming and Qing periods in AD, this epic collection has a historical depth of over a thousand years. It was composed by different generations of “stray masters” in varying contexts, making it a genuine anthology of poetry that transcends time and offers unique academic and cultural value. In light of this context, “Lin-ge” is distinctive in understanding the amalgamation of local ethnic groups throughout their lengthy history. This blending process encompasses both official initiatives and independent choices made by grassroots communities. This article places a particular emphasis on the autonomous choices and underlying logic of ethnic integration at the grassroots level. Further details regarding these patterns will be explored in the subsequent sections.

3.3 The portrayal of “exchanges, communication and integration” discourse among ethnic groups occupying a significant portion of “Lin-ge”

The content analysis of “Lin-ge” showed that the official discourse on ethnic groups does not affect the narrative of “Lin-ge.” This raises a new question: Why did the dominant official discourse on ethnic groups not receive a clear response in “Lin-ge”? This discrepancy does not align with the actual historical progression.

However, the official discourse on ethnic groups did not receive an adequate direct response in “Lin-ge.” This does not mean that “Lin-ge” disregards the relationships among ethnic groups. On the contrary, the depiction of “exchanges, communication and integration” among ethnic groups is a prominent discourse in “Lin-ge.” The “Lin-ge” system extensively uses discourse to describe “exchanges, communication and integration” among ethnic groups, establishing a discourse structure of ethnic group interaction distinct from that found in official court documents. This reflects a bottom-up discourse logic different from the ethnic group discourse of the imperial court.

3.3.1 The descriptions about the discourse of the fusion of religious beliefs between the White Emperor belief of the Linga people and Taoism, as well as the dragon belief of the Han people

Blending religious beliefs is a profound aspect of the “exchanges, communication and integration” among ethnic groups. The religion of the Linga people is the White Emperor religion, and the clergies are known as “stray masters.” Based on existing evidence, this religion has formed an independent system. However, it also widely exhibits characteristics of totemism, ancestor worship, and animism. Furthermore, its religious rituals and practices are often orally transmitted. Considering these features, its developmental stage should be between primitive religion and classical religion. The more primitive religions in the local area include the Nuo religion and sorcery. However, there are also more mature national or international religions, such as Taoism and Buddhism. The supreme deity of the White Emperor religion is White Emperor God, often referred to as the “WhiteEmperor-Heavenly-King” (白帝天王). Taoism, on the other hand, is a religion introduced by the Han people. There was originally a clear boundary between the ethnic communities of these two religions. However, there seems to be no such strict division in “Lin-ge.” Therefore, the records in “Lin-ge” transcend not only the boundaries of ethnic groups but also the distinct boundaries among different religious beliefs, indirectly reflecting how different religions have integrated throughout history.

In “Lin-ge,” there are numerous descriptions of integration with Taoism. In the “Divine Invocation on Funeral,” there is a passage that reads: “With one mind respectfully inviting disciples, with the preceding and subsequent teachings, the ancestral venerable in exile, one altar, two altars, three altars, and two religions,” and “the Supreme Lord Laozi, issuing urgent orders like thunder.” The specific meaning of “one altar, two altars, three altars” needs further verification. However, it is clear that the “two religions” refer to the White Emperor religion and Taoism. Therefore, there are common Taoist talismans, spells, and decrees such as “the Supreme Lord Laozi, issuing urgent orders like thunder.”

The descriptions in “Lin-ge” also include the integration of beliefs between the White Emperor religion and the “Dragon” belief of the Han people. This integration occurred in multiple periods. In “Divine Invocation on Funeral,” there is a line that reads: “Above, do not disturb the Dragon God; below, do not disturb the Earth God (上不惊动龙神, 下不惊动土地).” The “Dragon” is a typical belief totem of the Han people, but it was almost absent in the early period of the “Lin-ge.” However, in the “Lin-ge” of the Ming and Qing dynasties, the dragon became one of the important themes. There is a whole passage discussing the “Dragon”:

齐吹齐唱青盤上去青龙路，头到半江龙翻身。

Play and sing together, green wind up to green dragon road; head reaches half of the river, the dragon turns the body over.

手播龙高随龙转，龙宫自有万丈深。

Hand to stir the dragon up, twirl with the dragon, the dragon palace has ten thousand fathoms deep.

齐吹齐唱青盤上去青龙路，头到半江龙专头。

Play and sing together, green wind up to green dragon road; head reaches half of the river, dragon turns head around.

手攀龙高随龙转，龙公自有小时候。

Hand attaches to dragon up, twirl with the dragon, the dragon has its small seasonal attribution.

齐吹齐唱青盤上去青龙路，头到半江龙转台。

Play and sing together, green wind up to green dragon road; head reaches half of the river, dragon turns platform around.

手播龙高随龙转，龙公自有小时钱。

Hand to stir dragon up, twirl with the dragon, the dragon has its own small seasonal money.

齐吹齐唱青盤上去青龙路，头到半江龙转身。

Play and sing together, green wind up to green dragon road, and head reaches half of the river, the dragon turn its body around.

手攀龙高随龙转，龙公自有小时声。

Hands attach to dragon up, twirl with the dragon, the dragon has its small seasonal voice.

There are also other passages discussing the “Dragon.” From these contents, it can be seen that the Linga people fully embraced the belief in the “Dragon” introduced by the Han people and depicted the “Dragon” as one of the themes in “Lin-ge”, which is a typical case of religious integration among various ethnic groups, which also occurred among other ethnic minorities in different regions (Yan 2013; Yang 1985). The Supreme Lord Laozi, the Dragon God, and deities from other ethnic groups were naturally absorbed and narrated as “our” deities, which represents the most direct logic of ethnic integration triggered by religious fusion.

3.3.2 The descriptions of discourse of communication of wars among ethnic groups

War is an essential means of interaction between nations and ethnic groups, and it catalyzes integration. The discourse of war communication among ethnic groups is the central theme of the song “Lin-ge·ChuiHao” (廪歌·吹号). The entire song, which describes war, is based on the relationships among ethnic groups, forming a complex web of interconnections. The relationships depicted involve multiple ethnic groups: Yang Yiguan (Linga people); Jin Long (Linga people); He Che (Bo people); Ao Gong (to be verified); the slain individual surnamed Yang (to be verified); and the imperial court. This intricate network encompasses at least four ethnic groups. Yang Yiguan and Jin Long belong to the same ethnic group, while He Che is associated with the Boren or Bamboo King ethnic group. The ethnic identity of Ao Gong and the slain surnamed Yang remains uncertain. These relationships among ethnic groups are complex, except for the imperial court; all other parties involved are local indigenous people.

Under the historical background of the creation of the “ChuiHao-ge” aforementioned, we could assume that from the Southern and Northern Dynasties to the early period of the Sui and Tang Dynasties, due to the overthrow of the centralized monarchy and prolonged periods of turmoil and conflict, various local strongmen in different regions invested significantly in political maneuvering. External factors such as rapid turnovers of dynasties and kingdoms constantly triggered internal divisions among ethnic groups. The turbulent politics of the time drove transformations and fluctuations in ethnic dynamics. However, during this era, the classification and division of ethnic groups were not explicitly linked with political ideology. In other words, official documents did not associate ethnic concepts with politics or power.

Consequently, ethnic labels were not used to delineate political factions. The relationships between noble families, local aristocrats, and the central political regime became the primary focus of political maneuvering during this period. Unlike the Warring States and Qin and Han dynasties, local strongmen during this era had already acquired certain ethnic identities to maintain their interests and legacies. These ethnic groups, bound by surnames and blood ties, are regarded by many scholars as the precursors of early clans and prestigious families in China (Tian 2016). Under these circumstances, people began to recognize the distinctions among ethnic groups. However, these distinctions were not used to determine political alignment, nor did they give rise to political movements based on ethnic identity.

Beyond the utilization of war discourse among ethnic groups in the song “ChuiHao-ge,” the other volumes of “Lin-ge” also contain a modest number of references to inter-ethnic conflicts. For instance, within the first volume titled “Ge Chou” (歌抽), there is a line that goes, “slaughtering pigs and sheep for guests outside the tent, procuring coffins in Chen Zhou, with burials in Jing Zhou (杀猪杀羊客外帐, 辰州买板靖州埋).” This line purportedly depicts the descendants of the Yang family from Jing Zhou, Fei Shan (Flying Mountain). The narrative revolves around the progeny of the Yang family from Jing Zhou, who led their troops to quell a rebellion in Chen Zhou, only to be interred back in their ancestral lands of Jing Zhou upon their death in battle. This tale, alongside the legend of Jin Long’s battle with He Che, has been woven into a more cohesive story by folk oral literature practitioners.

Combining the aforementioned historical background of the wars mentioned above and the particular grassroots perspective of “Lin-ge,” it is reasonable to assume that the “exchanges, communication and integration” process has already undergone in various ways. Thus, wars significantly catalyze this “exchanges, communication and integration” process. From the grassroots perspective, these wars, which happened among ethnic groups, naturally were incorporated into narratives of “Lin-ge.”

3.3.3 Discourses on inter-ethnic life scenario integration

Life scenario is the most representative part in the process of “exchanges, communication and integration.” The discourse on goods trading and inter-ethnic marriage is the most prominent narrative in “Lin-ge.” However, goods trading and inter-ethnic marriage need a solid social environment and frequent economic activities. Thus, the process of goods trading and marriage integration could be associated with the historical background where “TwelveFlowers-ge,” “Qi-ge,” and “Sending song off” were created. When these volumes of “Lin-ge” were created back then, the central imperial court also steadily prompted the exchanges, communication and integration process among all ethnic groups. Moreover, the social economy developed progressively in the western Hunan region during the Song, Yuan, and Ming dynasties. Therefore, “Lin-ge” reflects the integration process of life scenario by concentrating on economic and inter-ethnic marriage from a historical background.

Discourses on inter-ethnic goods trading

Goods trading constitutes a vital aspect of interactions among ethnic groups. The trade of goods between the diverse ethnic communities along the Yuan River basin flourished following the Ming Dynasty. These developments were keenly observed by the author of “Lin-ge.” The nature of trade among ethnic groups diverges from that observed in general commerce among the broader population. In conventional trade, transactions are based on mutual needs, where one party offers surplus goods for sale to another party in need, facilitating an exchange between surplus and demand. However, trade among ethnic groups carries distinct cultural attributes; the products exchanged are unique to the seller’s ethnic group and are not readily produced by the buyer’s group (Zhang 1996). This trade highlights strong cultural expressions and meets the market economy criteria, emphasizing supply and demand dynamics.

The assortment of goods involved in trading encompasses ginger, tea, sugar, and land. A notable excerpt from “Qi-ge” reads:

齐吹齐唱上坝望, 望见湖南客卖姜。

Play and sing together, go up to the dam to see, and see Hunan guests sell ginger.

有女皆嫁湖南卒, 夜间纺绵到天光。

All daughters marry Hunan soldiers, and weave cotton from night till dawn.

齐吹齐唱上坝望, 望见湖南客卖茶。

Play and sing together, go up to the dam to see, and see Hunan guests sell tea.

有女皆嫁湖南卒, 号田不了又号畲。

All daughters marry Hunan soldiers, unable to hāo land hāo shē instead.

齐吹齐唱上坝望, 望见湖南客卖糖。

Play and sing together, go up to the dam to see, and see Hunan guests sell sugar.

有女皆嫁湖南卒, 夜间纺线到天明。

All daughters marry Hunan soldiers and weave yarn from night till daytime.

The principal products sold by the Hunan traders include ginger, tea, and sugar. These “Hunan Traders” represent a newly migrated ethnic group, most of whom relocated alongside military forces, establishing their homes near military encampments. As newcomers, they introduced innovative technologies and products to the region. Many of these products had been rarely produced or cultivated by the local ethnic communities, or there was a complete absence of the requisite production skills locally. Introducing new products enabled these migrant groups to gain a foothold in their new environment.

In the evolution of goods trading, there has been a marked change in trading regulations and practices. Land transactions represented the most significant and clandestine exchanges between newly migrated ethnic groups and indigenous populations. Notably, the Linga people were not the original inhabitants; they migrated to the area to assist the imperial court in quelling rebellions. As such, “Lin-ge” narrates land transactions across two different periods. The land transaction constitutes a historical tableau that is both fascinating and somber. The fascination lies in the shifting roles of characters over time within the same geographical space, while the somberness stems from the relentless and indifferent advance of history, which rolls on, unaffected by the desires or intentions of individuals or collectives.

In the age of “ChuiHao-ge,” the Linga were newcomers; hence, they acquired land from the indigenous peoples, which is captured in “ChuiHao-ge” through the lines: “We buy much of land in Qi liang, crops are planted in 80% of the land acquired (奇梁田地爷买多, 一千田地八百禾).” As victors of conflict, they had the prerogative to sell off much of the local fertile land, giving rise to the “buy much” phenomenon. This control over land, a critical means of production, afforded them the most significant development opportunities. They gradually evolved into the local natives. Meanwhile, earlier inhabitants, such as the Bo people and descendants of the Bamboo King, were compelled to relocate or saw their living spaces diminished. This land progressively became known as the “homeland” of the Linga people.

In the “Qi-ge” era, new shifts in the rules of survival and development emerged. Hunan traders, often struggling to find their footing due to the lack of land, found their greatest drive for survival in acquiring land after settling. Hence, the practice of “Hunan traders claiming fields and Shē (畲)” became common. “Hāo” (号) is a local dialect term indicating a claim to ownership or rights of use over land or possessions. To “hāo land” (号田) means to assert ownership over a particular plot. “Shē” refers to the land prepared for using the primitive slash-and-burn cultivation technique; “hāo shē”(号畲) implies staking a claim on mountainous land suitable for such agriculture technique. The Hunan traders sold new products such as ginger, tea, and sugar to the local inhabitants, including the Linga people, and used the earnings to claim the lands of these natives. This lifestyle unveils the most authentic and concealed facet of ethnic interactions in history. Courteous, friendly, and harmonious processes do not always mark the historical narrative of ethnic encounters, exchanges, and assimilations. Otherwise, there would not be a scenario where the indigenous populations diminish while the Han ethnicity proliferates(Luo 2014). These processes of exchange and assimilation, influenced by differences in interaction methods and particularly by the advanced business and ethnic concepts of newcomers, have led the indigenous groups, lacking in technology and management capability, to face increasingly tricky survival challenges. The compression of living spaces has ultimately forced them out of their lands. The frequent transfer of land ownership and the influx of newcomers have gradually transformed the region into a “homeland” for the migrants. As survival spaces narrowed, the original indigenous groups became increasingly marginalized, forced to integrate into the new ethnic groups through alliances and marriages (Li 2011).

Discourses on inter-ethnic marriages

Owing to the intimate link between traditional marriage practices and sacrificial rituals, “Lin-ge” contains numerous descriptions of marriage, with the discourse on inter-ethnic marital relationships particularly highlighted in phrases such as “All daughters marry to Hunan soldiers, weave cotton from night till dawn.” Previous sections have delved into verses like “All daughters marry to Hunan soldiers, unable to hāo land hāo shē instead,” among others. The term “Hunan soldiers,” representing a newly migrated ethnic group, later identified with the Han ethnic community, maintained profound connections with indigenous groups, including the Linga, driven by the merging of living spaces. Thus, the marital unions between these entities epitomize inter-ethnic marriages. Notably, the term “daughters” encompasses not just the Linga but all indigenous groups, including the local Miao, among others. The phrase “All daughters marry to Hunan soldiers” poignantly captures the reality of local ethnic marriages: grassroots societies eschew ethnic boundaries, opting instead for marriage to express admiration and a willingness to learn from more advanced groups. The phrase also mirrors the lower strata’s desire for the superior economic stability the “Hunan soldiers” offered and a longing for a better quality of life. Such candid hopes have facilitated matrimonial alliances, fostering ethnic integration from an economic level to a lineage-based one, transitioning from coerced external interactions to voluntary internal assimilation.

3.3.4 The formation of regional social communities beyond ethnic identifications

Historically, the Yuan River basin has been a melting pot of diverse ethnic groups (Zhou 1993), a fact that has been significantly emphasized in ancient official documents. Notably, the “Twenty-Four Histories” (二十四史), serving as national archival texts, labeled this area as the domain of “Nanman” (southern ethnic groups), home to ethnic communities such as the Miao, Yao, Gelo, and Dong (侗), portrayed as unyieldingly resistant to assimilation into mainstream culture. Such narratives have often cast these groups in a negative light, applying derogatory descriptions of their human nature. This kind of discourse, perpetuated by the influence on authors, particularly those scholar-officials from outside the region serving in local government positions, has led to the reinforcement of stereotypes about “barbarians” in both official submissions and private writings, aiming to gain recognition by aligning with mainstream societal views (Liu and Xue 2022). Consequently, a stereotyped image of these ethnic groups has become entrenched, institutionalizing a biased discourse tradition that depicts them as savages., which is evident in the consistent inclusion of chapters titled “Nanman” or similar in the dynastic histories. However, the authors of “Lin-ge,” originating from the grassroots level, did not adhere to these conventional ethnic discourses. Instead, they emphasized a local, regional social community, transcending ethnic identifications. This distinctive approach represents a significant departure from the traditional narrative.

Throughout “Lin-ge,” the application of discourse on the awareness of regional social communities undergoes a developmental process. Initially, “Lin-ge” lacked discussions on ethnic identity and references to regional communities. This absence is evident in “Nuo-ge” and “Lei-ge,” where the poetry lacks ethnic discourse. Instead, the verses primarily express lamentations about life’s transience, maintaining a tonal quality similar to the “Xie Lu” songs of the Ba people from the Warring Kingdoms Period. However, a significant shift in discourse style is observable in the later stages of “Lin-ge.”

Within “Qi-ge,” several sections are devoted to extolling Chen Zhou:

齐吹齐唱上岩望, 望见辰州官扎庭。

Play and sing together, go up to rock and see, see the official yard in Chen zhou.

官扎庭中官扎卒, 那情扎断夜盗郎。

Official soldiers in official court exclude night theft.

齐吹齐唱上坝望, 望见辰州官扎堂。

Play and sing together, and go up to dam to see, the official court in Chen zhou.

官扎庭中官扎卒, 那情扎断夜盗凶。

Official soldiers in official court exclude fierce night theft.

……

齐吹齐唱啄啄丢, 抬眼啄东尾啄南。

Play and sing Zhuo Zhuo Diu together, look up peck east tail peck south.

吼尽大山百木树, 单装啄到辰州百客来。

Roar a hundred trees in great mountain, peck only till a hundred guests come to Chen zhou.

……

夕夭又唱青媒卒, 辰州铺门卖喏条。

Sing Qingmei again at sunset, stores sell Tiao in Chen zhou.

少夭青媒夭对吃, 夭媒咸工合喏陶。

Young and Qingmei eat together, young matchmaker collectively works, harmonizing with the pottery.

Chen Zhou, celebrated in the discourse of this regional social community, is not merely an object of tribute for ethnic discourses such as that of the Linga people, as one might expect. This reality diverges from the conventional understanding of traditional ethnic epics. Elevating the discourse of Chen Zhou from an administrative community to a cultural and spiritual community has enriched it with deeper connotations, emotions, and strength. In “ChuiHao-ge,” the authors of “Lin-ge” have employed poignant discourse to address the injustices faced by their ethnic group: “Killing He Che brings ample rewards, sparing He Che bestows no renown.” In the later periods, Chen Zhou (known as Chen Zhou during the Song and Yuan dynasties and Chen Zhou Prefecture during the Ming dynasty) is imbued with the essence of a spiritual homeland for the local ethnic groups.

In the “Invocation for the Deities of White Emperor Temple” (白帝天王庙请神辞) from the Ming and Qing Dynasties, the local deities called upon were from dozens of renowned villages across Chen Zhou and Jing Zhou.

迎请当境北 (白) 帝天王 (Invocating current locality White Emperori God) , 伏天王伏 (地) 天王 (Futian God Fudi(ground) God) , 伏金天王 (Fujin God) , 伏银 (天王) [Fuyin (God)] , 龙家圣主 (Saint master of dragon family) , 猛佑神婆 (Blessing priestess) , 两岸把门神将 (Door god of both shores) , 神 (辰) 州土地神 [Shen(Chen) Zhou Tudi god] , 在于靖州一带 (lies in Jingzhou area) , …… 阔 (阖) 州大县 (The great county within Zhou) , 阔 (阖) 乡大里 (The great Li within Township) , 五方歇马庙廷 (Wu Fangxie Ma temple court) , …… 千里摇马 (a thousand miles shake horse) , 万里打马 (ten thousand miles hit horse) , 请降地名△△ (please descend placename △△) , 辸田粮地上 (and field crops on the ground) , 右 (左) 边请下金车 [right (left) side please get off golden car] , 右边请下玉马 (right side please dismount jade horse)。…… 有座无座 (having seat or not) , 细布踮 (垫) 座 (delicate cloth place under seat) , 受占 (沾) 浓路 (露) 香花 [occupied (moisten) thick road (dew) fragrant flowers]。

Some place names within the aforementioned ancient villages are still preserved to this day, achieving considerable continuity, while others have changed. Jing Zhou continues to be known as Jing Zhou County today. The twelve Yamen of Pu Kou (浦口) are now in the Pu Shi (浦市) town area, though detailed historical research on the twelve Yamen is still lacking. High Village (高寨) and Low Village (低寨) are currently Miao ethnic villages. Sidu Longtan (四都龙潭) is located in the Xinglong area of Luxi County, historically a core area for the Gejia people (仡佬人) and still a Miao settlement today. Qianzhou Yaxi (乾州鸭溪) has become modern-day Jishou City. Xiamazhu Village (蝦马竹寨) is in today’s Xinhuang County (新晃县) area, where, under new ethnic classification policies, the inhabitants are identified as Dong people. The wide range of local deities invoked, especially covering areas now recognized as belonging to different ethnic groups, demonstrates the extensive coverage. These deities were unified under the White Emperor God, brought into the pantheon managed by Chen Zhou’s local deity system, transcending ethnic distinctions and falling under Chen Zhou’s administrative jurisdiction. This discourse facilitated a shift from ethnic to regional social identity, making the regional community the most pronounced form of social identity for “Lin-ge” authors of this period. This represents one of the most thought-provoking manifestations of inter-ethnic exchange and integration history in “Lin-ge.”

4 Conclusion

This study explores the cultural and social phenomena revealed through the migration epic “Lin-ge,” particularly focusing on the dynamics of inter-ethnic exchanges, communication, and integration. By analyzing religious syncretism, economic interactions, warfare exchanges, trade practices, and intermarriages depicted in “Lin-ge,” this research highlights the complexity and dynamism of ethnic integration at the grassroots level. The findings underscore the pivotal role of regional community identity in bridging different ethnic groups and forming the foundational cultural logic behind the identity of the Chinese national community. The study reveals that the syncretism of religious beliefs, cultural and social practices are key mechanisms in shaping the identity of regional social communities and promoting harmonious coexistence among various ethnic groups.